{"id":433,"date":"2020-07-04T11:44:00","date_gmt":"2020-07-04T11:44:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.competitionreview.in\/blogs\/?p=433"},"modified":"2020-07-04T11:44:34","modified_gmt":"2020-07-04T11:44:34","slug":"gender-parity-in-governance","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.competitionreview.in\/blogs\/2020\/07\/04\/gender-parity-in-governance\/","title":{"rendered":"GENDER PARITY IN GOVERNANCE"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Prof. V.P. Gupta<\/strong>,Director, Rau\u2019s IAS Study Circle, New Delhi \u2013 Jaipur \u2013 Bengaluru<\/strong><\/em><\/h3>\n\n\n\n

This article caters to the Social section of General
Studies – Paper I & II and for Essay Paper in
the UPSC Main Examination<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cGender equality is more than a goal\nin itself. It is a precondition for meeting the challenge of reducing poverty,\npromoting sustainable development and building good governance.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2014 Kofi Annan<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The participation of women and men\nin formal and informal decision-making structures varies greatly between\ncountries, but is generally in favour of men. Institutional as well as\ncultural, economic and societal factors limit women\u2019s opportunities and\nabilities to participate in decision-making. Women\u2019s low political\nrepresentation is therefore often used as an indicator of gender inequality.\nSpecifically, the \u2018proportion of seats held by women in national parliament\u2019\nwas chosen as one of three indicators to measure progress on Millennium\nDevelopment Goals (MDG) on gender equality and women\u2019s empowerment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Put simply, governance refers to\ndecision-making by a range of interested people (or \u2018stakeholders\u2019) including\nthose in formal positions of power and \u2018ordinary\u2019 citizens. These decisions\nhave a huge impact on the ways in which women and men lead their lives, on the\nrules they are expected to abide by, and on the structures that determine where\nand how they work and live. They also shape how public resources are allocated\nand whether services take account of both women\u2019s and men\u2019s needs and\ninterests.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yet women are often excluded from\ndecision-making, from the household to the highest levels of government and\nbeyond to the global level. Governance processes\u2014emphasising accountability,\ntransparency, responsiveness and inclusiveness\u2014should be a means to social\ntransformation. But they are failing to deliver. Women are under-represented\nnot only in the political sphere but also in decision-making within the private\nsector, at the village level and in civil society. At the local level, men\nusually dominate positions of power, including as religious and traditional\nleaders, local politicians and village elders.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women\u2019s representation and\nleadership tend to be confined to areas that are traditionally \u2018feminine\u2019 such\nas social welfare. Women\u2019s representation in informal decision-making processes\nis often more common than their representation in formal positions and\nstructures, but it tends to be hidden and therefore not as highly valued as it\nshould be. In order to deepen democracy at the local, national and\ninternational level, it is important to ensure that women and men are able to\nparticipate on equal terms in both formal and informal decision-making structures.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Poor levels of participation and\nrepresentation in decision-making bodies is exacerbated, for both men and\nwomen, by intersecting discriminations relating to ethnic group, socioeconomic\nstatus, religion, caste, and disability.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Gender differences in formal\nrepresentation can be attributed in large part to both institutional and\nsocietal constraints.<\/strong> The latter encompasses the social\nnorms that make it more difficult for women to leave their traditionally\ndomestic roles for more public roles outside of the home. Institutional\nconstraints include barriers such as political systems that operate through\nrigid schedules that do not take into consideration women\u2019s domestic\nresponsibilities, and the type of electoral quotas used (if any).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

There has been considerable\ninternational emphasis on ensuring a more equitable number of women and men in\ndemocratic institutions, through the introduction of quotas for women in many\ncountries. There is increased acknowledgement, however, that quotas are not\nenough to ensure that women\u2019s concerns are heard. Two reasons can be found for\nthis. First,<\/strong> despite increased participation, women are still primarily\na minority within patriarchal political systems, which means that it continues\nto be difficult for them to have their voices heard. Second,<\/strong> women\npoliticians cannot be assumed to prioritise or even identify with the needs of\nother women. Class, race, caste, religion, socioeconomic status, sexual\norientation and disabilities are some of the many differences that can divide\nwomen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nonetheless, quotas can have an\nimpact on society\u2019s perceptions of women, with increasing acceptance of women\nas leaders reported in some instances. There is growing recognition that\ncombining quotas with skills development in leadership and capacity building\ncan have a stronger impact and strengthen the opportunities for women\u2019s voice.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Barriers to women\u2019s election<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Institutional, socioeconomic and\ncultural barriers limit women\u2019s effective participation in democratic\nelections. Politics is often viewed, by both men and women, as a male domain\nwhere women will struggle to make a contribution. In addition, party politics\ntends to be dominated by men, making it more difficult for women to get on\nparty lists for election. Women\u2019s representation and leadership therefore tend\nto be more at the grassroots level and in social welfare positions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Even where women have been able to\nsecure office, they continue to face additional challenges compared to their\nmale counterparts. These include both male and female opposition, inexperience\nof the political domain and low confidence. In addition, many women politicians\nfind that it can be difficult to balance their public responsibilities with\ntheir domestic roles. In order to get elected, many female candidates choose to\ndownplay the fact that they are concerned with \u2018women\u2019s issues\u2019, for fear this\nmay alienate male voters. It has been argued that, in order to reverse this\nnegative cycle, there must be a significant number of women in positions of\npower before these issues will feature on the agenda.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In some cases, particularly in\nfragile contexts, women may face intimidation or threats in running for office.\nThis is primarily due to the fact that men or local customary authorities may\nfeel that this threatens the traditional male hierarchy or patriarchal order.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Approaches for increasing women\u2019s\ndemocratic participation<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A number of strategies have been\npopular among governments and donors to try to encourage more women into\npolitics. These include training women for political candidacy, providing\nfunding or capacity building on fundraising for women candidates, and including\nwomen as election monitors. Mobilising female voters is also considered\nimportant to get women elected into office and to deepen democracy. Gendered\ncivic awareness and separate polling booths for women are some of the\nstrategies that have been adopted.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In our country, as per provisions\ncontained in Article 243 D of the Constitution<\/strong>,  of the Seats of Panchayati Raj Institutions\nand  offices of the Chairperson at all\nlevel of Panchayati Raj Institutions covered by Part IX of the Constitution are\nreserved for women. Further, the Government has approved the proposal for\nenhancing reservation of women in Panchayats from the present one-third to 50%.\nAccordingly, a bill for amendment of the Constitution of India had been\nintroduced in the Parliament. But, bill for reserving 33% of seats in\nParliament and State Assemblies is still pending for years. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Quota systems have been used in a\nnumber of countries to advance the representation of women. These have taken\nvarious forms, including sandwiching of party lists and reserved seats. While\nthis has increased the number of women in political positions, they remain a\nminority in most countries. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Leadership and participation<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women are under-represented in\ndecision-making, not only in the political sphere, but also within the private\nsector, at the village level and in civil society organisations. This low\nparticipation is due to social norms which dictate their domestic roles and\noften leave them with limited time. Leadership and participation, especially in\nthe political sphere, is often viewed as an area where men have superior\nknowledge. Traditional and religious leadership positions tend to be dominated\nby men. This is particularly problematic as these leaders are sometimes called\nupon by states to adjudicate disputes, especially in transitional justice\nsituations, and can thus limit women\u2019s access to justice if they adhere to\ngender inequitable social norms. Women\u2019s leadership positions tend to be\nconfined to organisations set up by and for women. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women often have informal roles of\ninfluence, recognition and power within the community \u2013 as mothers, teachers,\nvolunteers, entrepreneurs, as well as community leaders. Women\u2019s informal\nleadership often has a focus on community service, but these leadership skills\ncan be harnessed and formalised to give women political and formal\ndecision-making power.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Civil society participation<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Civil society is often forgotten as\na gendered domain. This can be partly attributed to failure to incorporate the\nhousehold as a unit of analysis, and consequently forgetting to acknowledge the\ndomestic responsibilities of women which impact on their time and energy to\nengage outside of the household. To understand participation in civil society\nit is important to look beyond a simple gender analysis and to incorporate an\nanalysis of intersecting inequalities. Understanding which women and men are\nparticipating might reveal certain groups of men as being able to participate\nless than other groups of women. Actions can then be taken to particularly\nconsult these hard-to-reach groups for programme interventions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women\u2019s groups\/organisations<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Much of women\u2019s activism has been\nchannelled through women\u2019s organisations, often mobilised around issues of\nparticular concern to women. Women\u2019s organisations which work against\npatriarchal domination are often termed women\u2019s rights organisations. Women\u2019s\ngroups often struggle to access funding and their scope for action is therefore\noften limited. The competition for scarce resources is also often a barrier to\nwomen\u2019s groups working cooperatively together.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Gender-responsive budgeting is a\nright way forward<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Interest in gender-responsive\nbudgeting grew in the 1990s, alongside a more general interest in budget work\nwithin civil society. It is driven by the premise that government policies,\nexpenditure and revenue have different outcomes for women and men, girls and\nboys (and different groups of women and men, girls and boys). Such groups are\ndistinct and have different needs and interests. Gender-responsive budget\ninitiatives provide for assessment of the differing outcomes for different\ngroups. The aim is not to establish separate budgets to address gender\nconcerns, but to ensure that government budgets are allocated in an equitable\nway that satisfies the most pressing needs of individuals and groups.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Gender-responsive budgeting is not\nan isolated event, but an important aspect of gender mainstreaming and more\neffective public financial management. It focuses not only on the content of\nbudgets, but also on the underlying policy process, in particular\ninclusiveness, transparency and accountability. Participatory budgeting\ninitiatives have become a relevant aid instrument for gender-responsive\nbudgeting and for the more general participation of civil society in budgetary\nprocesses.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Although this has been incorporated\nin various schemes and programmes of Government of India yet it requires a\nsignificant shift in thinking and practice in the way that budgets are designed\nand implemented. It involves ambitious initiatives such as opening up the\nbudget process to a wider group of stakeholders, prioritising equality, and\nacknowledging the care economy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Involvement of non-state actors<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The involvement of actors from\noutside the government executive in gender-responsive budgeting is important in\nsupporting such work and in sustaining momentum for fiscal policy\ntransformation and implementation. Gender budget work carried out within\nParliament and civil society can include research and efforts to influence the\nallocations of government money. This contributes to broader objectives of\ntransparency, accountability and civic participation. Collaboration between civil\nsociety and Parliament can also be effective in promoting support for and\nimplementation of gender-responsive budgeting initiatives. Further,\ngender-responsive budgeting can be adopted not only by government, but also by\nnongovernmental organisations, foundations, and other private sector\norganisations.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In a nutshell, governance from\ngender empowerment perspective will only succeed when there is increase in the\nnumber of women in public office; enhancing women\u2019s leadership by helping to\nreform electoral processes, change political parties, and strengthen\nparliaments, judiciaries and the civil service; strengthening the ability of\nwomen\u2019s organisations to advocate and implement projects that promote women\u2019s\nrights; promoting judicial reforms to ensure equal legal protection to poor\nwomen and men; ensure that essential public services like health and education\nbenefit poor women, men, girls and boys equitably; and reducing gender-based\nviolence.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Prof. V.P. Gupta,Director, Rau\u2019s IAS Study Circle, New Delhi \u2013 Jaipur \u2013 Bengaluru This article caters to the Social section of General Studies – Paper I & II and for Essay Paper in the UPSC Main Examination \u201cGender equality is more than a goal in itself. It is a precondition for meeting the challenge of […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":[],"categories":[3],"tags":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.competitionreview.in\/blogs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/433"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.competitionreview.in\/blogs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.competitionreview.in\/blogs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.competitionreview.in\/blogs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.competitionreview.in\/blogs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=433"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/www.competitionreview.in\/blogs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/433\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":435,"href":"https:\/\/www.competitionreview.in\/blogs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/433\/revisions\/435"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.competitionreview.in\/blogs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=433"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.competitionreview.in\/blogs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=433"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.competitionreview.in\/blogs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=433"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}